Authorities in the Marshlands Transform Society into a Barracks

Yuriy Fedorenko, commander of the 429th separate brigade of drone systems 'Achilles', a member of the Kyiv City Council, and an advisor to the Defense Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, has claimed that during the full-scale invasion, the authorities in the marshlands have systematically turned their society into a barracks. According to him, the already limited rights and freedoms of citizens are being further restricted, the powers of law enforcement agencies are expanding, and the information space is contracting. This process is not just ongoing; it is systematically deepening.

Since February 2022, dozens of repressive laws have been adopted in the marshlands. In particular, criminal liability for 'discrediting the army' has been introduced, property confiscation and deprivation of citizenship for dissenters have been permitted, and registers of 'foreign agents' have been created, effectively excluding them from normal social life. This indicates that the authorities are attempting to control every aspect of their citizens' lives.

Currently, the complete monopolization of information flows and the final immersion of the population into a 'digital prison' are on the agenda. Volodymyr Vyatrovych, a Ukrainian politician and historian, notes that even Stalin did not achieve such control. He emphasizes that all of this is explained by the logic of a 'besieged fortress': enemies surround, spies are within, and thus total control is necessary.

At the same time, discussions about a possible 'peaceful settlement' periodically arise in society, particularly from our overseas partners. Statements are made that the Kremlin seeks peace. But how sincere are these 'aspirations'? The answer to this question was effectively voiced by one of the Russian officials—Andrei Klishas, head of the Federation Council's committee on constitutional legislation. He stated that even after the war ends, most of the 'wartime' restrictions will remain in force—'if they are useful, they will not be lifted.'

This is important to understand: in the marshlands, officials do not express personal opinions; they convey the 'party line'. And this line is as follows: the quasi-empire does not plan to transition to peaceful tracks and, accordingly, is not preparing for peace. Even if a so-called peace agreement is ever signed (far from a certainty this year), Russian society will live in a state of siege. Why is this? To switch at any moment from a 'cold phase' to a hot one.

Therefore, we must realize: for the Kremlin, war is not a temporary state but a form of regime existence. Without war, this system does not function. It cannot operate without an enemy—both external and internal. Oleksiy Kopytko, a Ukrainian politician, notes that the quasi-empire today is an old, rusty, but dangerous military system. It can stall, lose resources, crumble, but it continues to move, destroying everything in its path. This will continue until this machine falls apart.

At this stage, our task is to stop it, and in the next, to crush it or ensure that this structure collapses on its own. How long will this take? A year? Two? Ten? Perhaps our entire lives. We did not choose this war, but we know for certain that for us, it is the only way to preserve the state. We have no right to lose it, and we will never lose it. This is the mission of our generation. Glory to Ukraine!

The text is published with the author's permission.