The Triad of Power: Svyrydenko, Budanov, and Arachamiya in the Fight for Parliament

During the two intense days leading up to the Easter holiday, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine managed to pass in full, as well as consider in the first reading, the majority of the legislative proposals required for collaboration with international donors. Among these were complex issues such as the 'tax on OLX' and parcel taxation, alongside less controversial projects related to synchronizing energy markets with the European Union.

At the beginning of March, the parliament had already attempted to approach this legislative package, but despite the efforts of the monoblock majority, all initiatives failed. Following the March debacle, political circles began to speak of a parliamentary crisis. However, upon closer examination, it became clear that the issue was not with the Rada itself but rather with a systemic failure in the governance model.

If the parliament easily votes in favor of deputy laws but just as quickly rejects government projects, the reason is clearly not a lack of deputies. The issue lies in the absence of interaction within the system. Previously, this coordination among different branches of power was managed by the former head of the President's Office, Andriy Yermak. Everyone feared his wrath, so in critical moments, they gathered and worked together.

However, after the NABU raids that led to Yermak's removal from the operational management of the country, a vacuum of influence emerged in the corridors of power. Deputies filled this vacuum with their rebellion, demanding respect and protection from NABU. To restore the system's manageability, someone had to take on the coordinating function. It turned out that there were many willing to occupy the vacant position of 'second-in-command after Zelensky.'

The process of taming the unruly parliament revealed at least three individuals who aspire to or could attempt to take on this role: the new head of the President's Office, Kyrylo Budanov, the head of government, Yuliya Svyrydenko, and the long-time parliamentary majority leader, Davyd Arachamiya. How they performed while working with the parliament, what convinced deputies to vote, and whether any of these three are likely to take the 'second' position was explored by 'Ukrainska Pravda.'

For Yuliya Svyrydenko, voting on laws that are part of cooperation programs with the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, and other international donors is not only an economic issue but also a political one. The government will be the first target of political attacks if the treasury lacks funds to fulfill state obligations and payments.

It is no surprise that since March, the Prime Minister has been trying to establish direct communication with the 'Servant of the People' faction. 'Yulia is yelling at Motovylovets (the deputy head of the Servant of the People faction) to arrange a meeting with the faction. And Andriy refuses, fearing she will be torn apart there. That's how we live,' shared one of the top members of the 'Servant of the People' a month ago.

However, Svyrydenko eventually secured her meeting. Initially, at the end of last week, the Prime Minister met with the heads of the Rada committees. Following that, she, along with key ministers, also visited opposition factions, and by the evening of April 6, a government delegation landed at the 'Servant of the People' faction meeting.

Each of these meetings was not an easy stroll for Svyrydenko, but she attended every one of them. 'We joked a bit about the government's tendency towards political BDSM. The conversations were very challenging. Yulia and the ministers heard a lot. But all her discussions boiled down to the fact that we should talk; we are your government,' recounted one attendee at the 'Servant of the People' faction.

In essence, Svyrydenko had no other choice. The current model of interaction is not working, so her meetings with the heads of parliamentary committees and factions became, in fact, an attempt to restart relations and alleviate the accumulated irritation from previous months. The atmosphere varied from meeting to meeting, but the main thing was that the government managed to convey the seriousness of the situation.

Some deputies were appeased by the possibility of influencing where funds would be allocated in their regions. The full restoration of the old social economy, which had bought the loyalty of deputies in almost all previous governments, was simply not possible for Svyrydenko due to a lack of funds. However, to show respect for current deputies, sometimes it is enough to promise to consider their views on the spending of funds already allocated for projects in their regions.

Some deputies were brought to their senses by threats from Finance Minister Serhiy Marchenko, whom the Prime Minister made sure to invite to most meetings. In his typically calm manner, the Minister promised deputies that without votes, there would be no money, and the government would be forced to act under the so-called 590 resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers, where state funding would be transferred to 'manual mode,' prioritizing defense and social sector needs, with other expenses covered only if funds remained.

Although mainly, of course, the Prime Minister listened to complaints regarding various programs with mass populist payouts, which Petro Poroshenko would aptly call 'fecting, checking, ebaking' on April 7. To her credit, the Prime Minister patiently listened to all complaints, forcing relevant ministers, even those who sometimes oppose these programs, to explain how and why money was spent.

This may not have been ideal communication, and perhaps some uncomfortable topics were delicately avoided, but Svyrydenko's readiness not to pressure, not to escalate, not to succumb to emotions, but to seek solutions ensured part of the final result displayed on the Rada scoreboard.