Human Rights Advocates Report Rising Persecution and Imprisonment of Women in Crimea

Women in Crimea are increasingly becoming victims of repression, as the number of Crimean women who have found themselves in investigative isolation and colonies has significantly risen over the past four years of war. Their children are left without mothers, under the care of relatives, and some do not even know where their loved ones are, as Russian security forces conceal information about them, granting them the status of incomunicado. Human rights defenders from Crimea Vox are investigating why, since the onset of full-scale war, political persecution in Crimea has increasingly targeted women.

The full-scale war waged by Russia against Ukraine has not only altered the front lines but has also changed the nature of repression in occupied Crimea. Women have become targets for persecution, and by autumn 2023, human rights defenders began actively documenting new criminal cases against Crimean women. Olga Skrypnyk, head of the Crimean Human Rights Group, notes that this has become a systemic practice: 'Until 2022, there were up to five women on our list of political prisoners; now there are over 60 imprisoned for political reasons.'

Victoria Nesterенко, project manager at the ZMINA Human Rights Center, emphasizes that a particularly noticeable increase in initiated cases has been observed in the last two years: 'Since 2022, the pace of illegal detentions of women followed by arrests has increased, especially in 2024-2025. The highest number of women was detained in 2025 — at least 11.' She links this to the occupying authorities' attempts to tighten control over society and suppress any manifestations of dissent. Those who express pro-Ukrainian views, condemn Russian aggression, or simply demonstrate disloyalty are targeted.

'This is an attempt to intimidate local residents, to show that 'there are no red lines for us. We will persecute everyone, even women with young children or the elderly,' emphasizes Olga Skrypnyk, highlighting that this is a deliberate policy associated with the activation of Russian security forces. According to the Crimean Tatar Resource Center, as of March 2026, at least 52 women are known to have suffered political persecution and are currently in pre-trial detention or colonies.

'As of today, 21 women are in colonies, and 31 are in pre-trial detention. It is unknown how many more women are being held in places of deprivation of liberty under incomunicado status, without communication with the outside world. Additionally, 10 women are currently being prosecuted in absentia,' states Zarema Bariyeva, co-founder and manager of the Crimean Tatar Resource Center. According to the President of Ukraine's Representation, at the end of 2025, there were at least 224 political prisoners in Crimea, approximately one-fifth of whom are women. Among them are both Crimean women and those detained and brought from recently occupied territories of Ukraine. The actual number is likely much higher, as the occupying authorities increasingly conceal the names of those accused in their court records, depriving the world of the opportunity to learn about the fates of these individuals.

The nature of the persecution of women in Crimea has noticeably changed and become harsher in recent years. In the early years following the occupation, administrative cases were used selectively and sporadically (primarily against mothers and wives of political prisoners who participated in solitary pickets), but today, administrative articles are used en masse for anti-war statements. More and more often, women are specifically targeted. Crimea has gradually transformed into a space of denunciations and punishments for words. According to the Ukrainian Foreign Intelligence Service, by the autumn of 2025, over 1,500 protocols had been recorded on the peninsula for the article on 'discrediting the army' of the Russian Federation. By early December, this number had risen to 1,642, reported the President's Representation in the ARC. In most cases, this results in fines: 1,518 rulings have already been issued. Moreover, women constitute the majority of those held accountable: 53% (803 cases) compared to 47% (713 cases) for men.

However, human rights defenders consider the increasing number of criminal cases to be a significantly more alarming trend. As reported to the editorial office of Crimea Vox, dozens of women are being persecuted in Crimea under articles related to state treason, espionage, and terrorism. This includes Elvira Ablyazova, Marina Belousova, Larisa Belyaeva, Galina Bekhter, Lera Dzhemilova, Esma Nimetulaeva, Khatidje Buyukchan, Nasiba Saidova, Anya Yeltsova, Olga Tsirik, Niyara Ersmambetova, and others. 'This is a classic practice of criminalizing identity and dissent,' believes Zarema Bariyeva, co-founder of the Crimean Tatar Resource Center. With the onset of full-scale war in 2022, this practice has only intensified. Any criticism, pro-Ukrainian stance, or even indirect disloyalty can be classified as 'state treason,' asserts the human rights activist.

'The article on state treason is politically motivated, lacks clear legal frameworks, and allows for disproportionate punishment for virtually any actions,' emphasizes Olga Skrypnyk, head of the Crimean Human Rights Group. Human rights defenders note that even cooperation with the occupying authorities does not protect one from repression. For instance, Crimean resident Lyudmila Kolesnikova worked for several years as an investigator in the Russian police while retaining her Ukrainian citizenship, but this did not save her from criminal prosecution. In 2022, she left Crimea for Ireland, but in 2024, she returned to Yalta due to her mother's illness. After the funeral, she was initially detained under an administrative article — the girl served 12 days in custody for 'minor hooliganism,' allegedly for swearing in a public place. Then the FSB intervened. As a result, Kolesnikova was accused of state treason and sentenced to 17 years in prison.

According to human rights defenders, repression is increasingly extending beyond individual cases and affecting entire families. Organizations are documenting instances where mothers and daughters simultaneously face criminal prosecution. For example, Alexandra and Victoria Strilets, as well as Oksana and Anna Sozenko, are being prosecuted on charges of state treason (Article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation). As in other similar cases, the prosecution documents remain closed to journalists.

Regarding the case of the mother and daughter Strilets, the prosecutor's office reported: 'The court established that the young woman [Alexandra Strilets] decided to engage in criminal activity related to state secrets for a reward.' This case is a striking example of how repression in Crimea affects not only individuals but also entire families, indicating the systemic and brutal nature of the occupying authorities' policies.