Kyiv Independent
How Orban's loss is shaping Slovakia's relationship with Ukraine
Prefer on Google by Martin Fornusek President Volodymyr Zelensky (R) shakes hands with Prime Minister of Slovakia Robert Fico (L) at the start of a press conference
Prefer on Google by Martin Fornusek President Volodymyr Zelensky (R) shakes hands with Prime Minister of Slovakia Robert Fico (L) at the start of a press conference following their meeting in Uzhhorod on Sept. 5, 2025. (Photo by Tetiana Dzhafarova/ AFP via Getty Images) Viktor Orban's electoral defeat appears to be easing Ukraine's relations with not one, but two of its neighbors.
President Volodymyr Zelensky met Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico in Yerevan on May 4, continuing an unexpectedly constructive exchange between the two leaders.
Zelensky and Fico agreed their governments would hold talks in Kyiv or Bratislava by the end of June to develop cooperation in transport infrastructure and energy, according to the Slovak government .
"We are neighbors, we must work on good relations," Fico said about a country he only recently lambasted over the Druzhba pipeline oil disruptions.
The Ukrainian president said the pair addressed "cooperation across various areas" and declared that Kyiv "is interested in developing strong relations."
During a call with Zelensky on May 2, the Slovak leader also reiterated his support for Ukraine's EU bid and stressed that no peace deal with Russia can be reached without Kyiv at the table.
Grigorij Meseznikov, the president of the Institute for Public Affairs (IVO) think tank in Bratislava, says these views are not new to Fico.
The expert argues that having been weakened by Orban's defeat, the Slovak prime minister now pushes to brush off his pro-Russian image and smooth ties with the EU.
"Robert Fico lost his ally — specifically an ally in matters related to the Russia-Ukraine war," Meseznikov told the Kyiv Independent.
Fico, returning as Slovakia's prime minister in 2023, has been regarded by many as a Kremlin-friendly leader, repeatedly espousing pro-Moscow narratives and opposing military aid to Ukraine.
He is also the only EU leader set to travel to Moscow on May 9 for Victory Day celebrations, a propaganda event snubbed by the West.
Like Budapest, Bratislava obstructed the adoption of the EU's 20th sanctions package against Russia due to the suspension of oil transit via the Druzhba pipeline, which ships Russian crude to Hungary and Slovakia.
But an apparent shift came after Orban's defeat in the Hungarian elections on April 12.
President Volodymyr Zelensky (right) meets Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico during the European Political Community summit in Yerevan, Armenia, on May 4, 2026. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/X) Ukraine announced the completion of repairs and restoration of Druzhba transit soon after, prompting Budapest and Bratislava to drop their vetoes on April 23.
Slovak media also reported on April 22 that, unlike last year, Fico's Moscow visit will not involve participating in the military parade.
Still, the Slovak leader plans to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin and lay flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.
Fico also appears to be laying the groundwork for closer ties with Hungary's new leadership.
While at a European summit in Yerevan, he shared a photo of himself, Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babis, and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, captioned: "Three musketeers are waiting for the fourth and the revival of V4 (Visegrad Four)."
Three musketeers are waiting for the fourth and the revival of V4 💪🏼 🇸🇰🇨🇿🇵🇱🇭🇺 Photo by @AndrejBabis pic.twitter.com/P1MK7lol7C
The fourth musketeer appears to be a reference to Orban's rival and Hungary's incoming prime minister, Peter Magyar .
The shift has fueled some optimism in Ukraine.
"Putin bet on Orban as a leader of an anti-Ukrainian and pro-Russian coalition in Europe. He had hoped that Fico would follow the example of Orban," Oleksandr Merezhko, head of the Ukrainian parliament's foreign affairs committee, told the Kyiv Independent.
"Now we have a chance to considerably improve relations not only with Hungary but also with Slovakia."
Meseznikov, however, reserves judgment. He summarizes Fico's approach as "pragmatism… even opportunism."
Despite sharing many views with Orban, Fico has been more cautious and selective in obstructing EU support for Ukraine.
His reluctance to go head-to-head with the rest of the European bloc — at least, compared to Orban — could be shaping his current strategy.
Fico, who is about to host German Chancellor Friedrich Merz later in May, may be engaging Kyiv to demonstrate to the EU he is not a "pro-Russian politician," Meseznikov says.
"I think he will now start playing a game with the EU, saying, 'I'll be accommodating, I'll be good, but you have to be accommodating to my demands as well," the expert adds.
But this new position has prompted pushback at home — namely, from Fico's more radical coalition partners.
Andrej Danko, chairman of the Slovak National Party (SNS) — a junior partner of Fico's Smer-led coalition — attacked the prime minister over support for Kyiv's EU bid and for failing to block the EU's 90-billion-euro loan.
Fico defended himself, arguing he ensured Slovakia would not contribute to the loan, while affirming Ukraine's right to seek EU membership "if it meets all criteria."
The Slovak leader also noted on May 4 that he and Zelensky "have no love for each other," while reiterating his opposition to Slovak military aid to Kyiv — clearly setting boundaries of his apparent shift.
According to Fico, he and Zelensky have "diametrically opposing views" on many matters.
"On the other hand, we are neighbors," he added.