EXPLAINED: From Gray Cardinal to Defendant’s Bench – Who Is Andriy Yermak?

The article traces Andriy Yermak’s rise from a Kyiv-based lawyer and media figure to one of the most influential people in Ukraine as head of the Presidential Office under Volodymyr Zelensky. It also describes how accusations of corruption, controversial political decisions, and alleged pressure on anti-corruption institutions led to the collapse of his influence, his dismissal, and criminal proceedings against him. Make us preferred on Google Flip Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied Andriy Yermak and Volodymyr Zelensky in 2022 (Photo via Andriy Yermak / Facebook) Content Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied Flip Make us preferred on Google On Wednesday, a Ukrainian court selected a preventive measure for the former head of the Presidential Office, Andriy Yermak, who is accused of money laundering. Follow our coverage of the war on the @Kyivpost_official . Formally, the accusations center on the construction of large country houses known as the “Dynasty” housing complex, in which Yermak was reportedly the ultimate client . Investigators believe the construction was carried out by figures involved in other corruption schemes, namely businessman Tymur Mindich and former unity minister Oleksiy Chernyshov – people from President Volodymyr Zelensky’s close circle. That said, Zelensky himself has not been the subject of the investigation, according to the country’s anti-graft agencies, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO). Just six months ago, before his resignation, Yermak’s name was often spoken in whispers within Ukraine’s corridors of power. His influence stretched across nearly every sphere, while constant rumors and narratives pushed by political opponents elevated him to the status of an unofficial second leader of the country. Zelensky at times reinforced that image. Until autumn 2025, Yermak was almost always by the president’s side – in the office, at memorial events, international summits, and private meetings. Other Topics of Interest One Killed, 16 Injured in Russian Missile and Drone Attack on Kyiv A Russian multi-wave missile and drone attack on Kyiv killed one person and injured 16, damaging residential buildings across several districts. Officials said rescuers pulled 10 people from rubble after part of a building collapsed in Darnytskyi district. Many referred to him as a “vice president.” As one office employee put it: “Andriy Yermak is not the first person in the state, but neither is he the second.” How did he reach that position of influence, and what path brought him there? Yermak was born in Kyiv, then part of Soviet Ukraine, in 1971 and had Jewish roots through his father. His father worked as an engineer at the Kyiv Aviation Plant and later moved to Afghanistan in the 1980s, where a Soviet-backed government had been established following the USSR’s invasion. This may have influenced Yermak himself, who chose to study international law and graduated from the Kyiv Institute of International Relations in 1995. At the time, the institution was considered one of the most exclusive in the Soviet and post-Soviet system, with admissions largely dominated by students from elite families rather than ordinary backgrounds. During his studies, Yermak worked as a legal assistant and attorney, gaining early legal experience. In 1997, he founded the International Law Company and participated in the development of legislation in commercial law and intellectual property. It was a largely untapped field for young, ambitious professionals, as the industry had been minimally regulated in the USSR, and Ukraine’s independent entertainment sector was only just beginning to take shape. Yermak built a reputation in the industry, eventually securing work with some major Ukrainian show business companies at the time. Among his clients were the then-popular band Green Gray, a number of producers, and owners of famous radio stations such as Gala Radio. Later, he moved into international work. Yermak’s company acted as a legal partner for the fashion festival “Art-Moda,” as well as Inter Media Group, Universal, Pixar, and Disney. Through this work with various companies, he met Zelensky. According to Yermak himself, this took place in 2011. Yermak’s company provided intellectual property protection services to the “Inter” television channel – one of the largest in Ukraine at the time. Zelensky was then the channel’s general producer. Incidentally, Zelensky did not stay at “Inter” for long – he left after a few months because his own project, “Studio Kvartal-95,” was gaining momentum and popularity, and he wanted to focus on it. However, there were rumors that the format of the “Inter” channel, which was heavily focused on news and information, did not appeal to Zelensky. Just a year later, “Kvartal-95” would begin a long-term partnership with the competitor of “Inter” – “1+1,” Ukraine’s largest channel. But Zelensky and Yermak managed to become friends in this brief cooperation. (From left) Andriy Yermak, Olena Zelenska and Volodymyr Zelensky in France in 2016 (Photo from Natalia Yakovleva / Facebook) Yermak also produced several films during the 2010s. While not all were widely known or commercially successful, some projects were notable. In 2017, Yermak worked on “The Line,” a popular Ukrainian-Slovak drama film about an international group of smugglers on the border between Ukraine and the EU. The film was received positively on both sides of the border. The film won the award for Best Director at the 52nd Karlovy Vary International Film Festival. English poster for “The Line.” (Image via www.ciara.sl) Kyiv Post interviewed several people who worked with Yermak during this period, and their accounts are mixed. Some describe him as highly engaged and willing to handle even minor details, while others characterize him as an inconsistent partner. However, this is not necessarily a clear indicator of his character, as similar assessments were often made about many business figures of the 2010s, a period marked by turbulence from the era of former President Viktor Yanukovych through Euromaidan and the early years of the Russia-Ukraine war. Yermak’s own life was also relatively unstable during this period. His attempts to enter politics were largely unsuccessful. For several years, he worked as an assistant to a member of parliament from the then-ruling party of Yanukovych, but this did not lead to further political advancement. Yermak’s entry onto the political stage came in spring 2019. After Zelensky announced his presidential bid on New Year’s Eve 2018 – despite expectations among political strategists and senior figures since 2016 – Yermak joined Zelensky’s campaign headquarters in spring 2019. This was not unusual, as many of Zelensky’s associates from the media industry joined his campaign headquarters at the time. Yermak was likely brought in as an international lawyer with extensive contacts, including abroad. After Zelensky’s election victory, Yermak became an aide to the president, dealing with international policy – relations with the US, Russia, and the “Normandy Format” negotiations that focused on a potential settlement in eastern Ukraine before 2022. But his influence was still far from what it would become after 2022. Even in photographs, he stood far behind Zelensky’s first team . Zelensky’s first team in 2019 without Yermak (Photo from Volodymyr Zelensky / Facebook) Not surprising if you cannot recognize a single face here. Most of these figures were dismissed within the first year of Zelensky’s presidency. Many were seen as impulsive, overly independent, or not effective enough, prompting Zelensky to shift toward more measured and steady advisers. His confrontation with then-head of the Presidential Office, Andriy Bohdan, was largely rooted in differing working styles. Bohdan was described as more impulsive and sharp, often acting without coordinating closely with the president, according to sources. “It’s like kart racing. One entered turns too aggressively, rushed, and eventually flew off the track. The other – Yermak – drove more slowly, more calmly, but more predictably. And simply reached the finish line,” said one journalist familiar with the office’s internal operation at the time. After becoming the chief of staff of the Presidential Office, Yermak did not immediately hold significant power. But over time, the role’s responsibilities – preparing the president for decisions, initiatives, and legislative actions – combined with wartime conditions, effectively turned the office into a de facto second government. This shift developed partly organically. As Kyiv Post previously noted in a broader analytical review , the role of head of the Presidential Office had been trending toward greater concentration of power since the 1990s. Control over the security services further strengthened the position, allowing office heads – under the pretext of supporting presidential functions – to act with considerable autonomy. Earlier holders of the post, including Oleksii Horbulin, Dmytro Tabachnyk, Volodymyr Lytvyn, and Viktor Baloha, also accumulated substantial influence. Yermak became another on this list. Gradually, he built a team of loyal and capable managers, reshuffling them several times, but consistently expanding the office’s influence over the security sector and the government. This was reinforced by technocratic former Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal, who worked largely out of the political spotlight and had no significant public ambitions. These trends were further strengthened by martial law, under which presidential authority naturally expanded. Under Yermak, the Office effectively turned into a second government. It is not surprising that several prominent government members emerged from it, including Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Kuleba and current Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko. Yermak’s first problems began even before the full-scale invasion. In January 2020, Zelensky and Yermak traveled to Oman. They were forced to return urgently after Iranian air defenses shot down a Ukraine International Airlines Boeing 737 on Jan. 8. The return took place on Jan. 9, and Yermak was seen alongside Zelensky at several official meetings during that period. Everything would have been fine, except that the plane on which Zelensky and Yermak returned to Ukraine from Oman was not a state aircraft, but a chartered one. And the day before, Russian Security Council Secretary Nikolai Patrushev had arrived in Oman on it. At the time, Patrushev occupied the second rung in Russia’s own hierarchy after Kremlin leader Vladimir Putin. Analysis showed that Patrushev had no public meetings on Jan. 8. Suspicion arose that Zelensky and Yermak had met precisely with Patrushev’s Russian delegation in Oman. Of course, the Presidential Office rejected all accusations. Most people believed Zelensky and Yermak, since chartered planes are rented by officials from various countries, and this in itself is not evidence. But during the full-scale invasion, Yermak was also accused of trying to take control of the national news agency Ukrinform. In addition, several sources claimed that Americans were dissatisfied with Yermak as the leader of the Ukrainian negotiation team – according to former Naftogaz head Andriy Kobolyev , it was also Yermak who obstructed the contacts with pro-Ukrainian lobbyists in the US. In the summer of 2025, Yermak faced what was seen as his most significant political setback – he was associated with efforts to pressure NABU and SAPO , the same agencies that notified him of suspicion in the latest investigations. Critics argued that the approach was heavy-handed and procedurally questionable, drawing comparisons with the Yanukovych era when state institutions were accused of being used to marginalize opposition voices and push through parliamentary decisions with limited oversight. The result was massive youth protests in central Kyiv and a blow to Zelensky’s image inside a war-torn nation. It was also reported that the pressure on anti-corruption bodies coincided with investigations involving Mindich, in which Yermak was reportedly mentioned. Following these developments, his influence is said to have weakened. In November 2025, after searches carried out by NABU at premises linked to him, he resigned . The Presidential Office was subsequently reorganized, with a new head appointed along with several deputies not previously associated with his team. But many from Yermak’s era are still in office. Their status is uncertain.