Kyiv Post

Why Canada and Ukraine Must Team Up on Defense Innovation

As Canada ramps up its defense spending to 2% of GDP and pivots toward industrial sovereignty, a unique window of opportunity has opened for deep collaboration with Ukraine’s battle-tested tech sector

As Canada ramps up its defense spending to 2% of GDP and pivots toward industrial sovereignty, a unique window of opportunity has opened for deep collaboration with Ukraine’s battle-tested tech sector. Make us preferred on Google Flip Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied This handout photograph taken and released by Ukrainian Presidential press-service on May 17, 2025 shows the President Volodymyr Zelensky (R) and Prime Minister of Canada Mark Carney shaking hands prior their talks in Rome. (Photo by Handout / UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL PRESS SERVICE / AFP) Content Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied Flip Make us preferred on Google “Hello, we are a Canadian defense company, and we want to find a partner in Ukraine.” Messages like this have become a routine part of my inbox since I began working closely with Canada’s defense innovation ecosystem. This interest is mutual: Ukrainian companies are looking to scale and access new markets, while Canadian firms seek battlefield feedback and technology validation. The recent reforms in Canada’s defense and security sector create a window of opportunity for even deeper cooperation with Ukraine. Follow our coverage of the war on the @Kyivpost_official . For years, up to 75% of Canada’s defense spending has gone to the United States. This high level of continental security integration, driven by cooperation within alliances such as NORAD and NATO, as well as joint defense production and development agreements, has ensured strong interoperability between the two countries. Today, however, this dependence is increasingly seen as a risk to Canadian sovereignty. In 2025, Canada began to rethink its approach to defense – increasing investment, streamlining procurement processes, and prioritizing the rearmament of its Armed Forces. In March 2026, it officially reached the target of allocating 2% of GDP to defense and security. In total, the government plans to invest $81.8 billion in rebuilding and rearming the Canadian Armed Forces by 2030. At the same time, Ottawa is placing growing emphasis on strengthening its domestic industrial base and diversifying security partnerships. Other Topics of Interest Back to the Future We Ukrainians may win the war, but lose the peace if we select unworthy leaders. Now we have a second chance to rebuild our country on solid ground and not on slogans. Canada’s Defense Industrial Strategy , released in February this year, signals that defense is a priority for Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government. It highlights cooperation with trusted partners, including the EU, the UK, and countries in the Indo-Pacific. Ukraine is mentioned in the strategy but is not explicitly listed among the priority partners, which is a paradox, given that it is currently one of the most dynamic sources of military innovation in the world. Canadian businesses, however, clearly recognize the importance of working in and with Ukraine right now. As Matthew Lombardi of The Icebreaker noted, the most forward-thinking Canadian firms are not waiting for a signal from the government – they go to Ukraine, co-develop technologies, and test them in real combat conditions. Some are already placing their drones directly in the hands of Ukrainian operators, significantly shortening development cycles in ways no domestic environment can replicate. A telling example is Sentinel R&D, a Canadian fixed-wing drone manufacturer. Its CEO, Kath Intson, recently returned from a trip to Kyiv and Dnipro. “We are currently working on a project with a Ukrainian company that, in the short term, will serve Ukraine’s immediate needs and, in the long term, support the needs of the Canadian Armed Forces, while also strengthening ties between Canada and Ukraine,” Kath told me. Another example is Roshel, a Canadian armored-vehicle manufacturer that has been active in Ukraine since 2022. The company has delivered more than 2,200 vehicles to the front and localized maintenance operations. In 2025, it signed a joint production agreement with Ukrainian defense concern Ukroboronprom. According to Roshel CEO Roman Shimonov, there is a clear opportunity to deepen cooperation as Canada increases defense investment and strengthens its industrial base. He emphasizes that the partnership is inherently complementary: Canada brings advanced manufacturing, stability, and scalability, while Ukraine contributes combat-proven experience, rapid innovation, and a skilled workforce operating under real-world conditions. A further example is the partnership between the Ukrainian company Himera, a producer of tactical radios for the Armed Forces, and Canada’s Quantropi, which specializes in post-quantum encryption technologies. The result of this cooperation is the Himera radios, designed specifically for frontline needs and integrating advanced encryption. Quantropi has already secured the rights to promote these systems in the United States, Canada, and among NATO allies. In August 2025, Prime Minister Carney announced $220 million in funding for drones, counter-drone systems, and electronic warfare in Ukraine, including support for joint ventures between Ukrainian and Canadian industry. Following this, interest among Ukrainian companies in entering the Canadian market has surged. Government-to-government frameworks play an important role in advancing this cooperation, says Colonel Erik Andresen, Defense Attaché at the Embassy of Canada in Ukraine. According to him, such mechanisms provide clarity and confidence for the industry, supported by structured defense‑industry forums, matchmaking initiatives, and joint R&D, testing, and co‑production arrangements. But how can Ukrainian and Canadian companies find the right fit for each other? One option is the annual CANSEC defense exhibition in Ottawa, scheduled for late May. Beyond standard registration procedures, Ukrainian companies are advised to contact the Trade Commissioner Service (TCS) at the Embassy of Canada in Kyiv to signal their interest in participating. Canadian manufacturers are also encouraged to work closely with the TCS, including beyond CANSEC, as it is widely regarded as one of the most effective services within the Canadian government. Ukrainian companies that visited the expo last year noted its relatively modest scale and the limited presence of unmanned systems. This year, however, expectations are different. With drones identified as one of Canada’s “key sovereign capabilities,” more domestically produced systems are likely to be showcased, and new forms of cooperation are expected to be announced — including with Ukrainian manufacturers. European exhibitions such as DSEI in the United Kingdom and MSPO in Poland often host even larger Ukrainian delegations. Ukraine itself is preparing to host Defense Tech Valley in Lviv in 2026, building on last year’s event that attracted 5,000 participants from over 50 countries. Many defense partnerships are often initiated at those large-scale industry events. There are also fewer formal pathways for cooperation. Many Canadian firms are interested in testing their technologies on Ukraine’s battlefield and gaining the highly valued “battlefield-proven” label. To facilitate such opportunities for international partners, Ukraine’s government cluster Brave1 has launched the “Test in Ukraine” initiative. It allows foreign companies to submit proposals for testing and, if selected, to deploy their systems under real-world conditions while receiving official and formal feedback from military units. In addition, Ukrainian private testing and training centers, as well as military units, offer consulting programs for producers of dual-use and defense technologies from partner countries. Cooperation with Canadian counterparts in this area is already beginning to take shape. Recent policy signals suggest that Canada would benefit from Ukrainian expertise in unmanned technologies for harsh environments (including the Arctic); surface and underwater drones to monitor its vast maritime domains and the world’s longest coastline; reconnaissance drones, and advanced counter-drone capabilities. Setting business matters aside, Canada remains one of Ukraine’s most trusted partners, consistently supporting it despite ongoing challenges. This support is backed by broad political and public consensus, as well as a large and influential Ukrainian diaspora. As a result, even with potential political shifts over the next few years, Canada’s support for Ukraine is unlikely to change. In Ukraine, Canada was recognized as “the main friend of Ukraine,” ranking first among 21 countries in terms of support, according to Forbes Ukraine . This reinforces momentum for Ukrainian and Canadian companies to develop long-term partnerships that bring together their respective strengths. The views expressed in this opinion article are the author’s and not necessarily those of Kyiv Post.  Olena Kryzhanivska is a Ukrainian policy analyst and senior editor at the NATO Association of Canada. She provided expert analysis for the Norwegian Embassy in Turkey and the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs. She maintains the weekly report “Ukraine’s Arms Monitor.”