Kyiv Post

Europe’s Ukraine Line Is Starting to Blur – and the Timing Isn’t Random

German Chancellor Merz’s recent comments about “possible” territorial concessions being made by Ukraine suggest a degree of impatience and concern over the economy. Make us preferred on Google

German Chancellor Merz’s recent comments about “possible” territorial concessions being made by Ukraine suggest a degree of impatience and concern over the economy. Make us preferred on Google Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied Birds fly in the sky over Ukrainian flag at the Lychakiv cemetery on the Day of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in Lviv on December 6, 2025, amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. (Photo by YURIY DYACHYSHYN / AFP) Content Share Facebook X (Twitter) LinkedIn Bluesky Email Copy Copied Flip Make us preferred on Google For months, European leaders took aim at Donald Trump for floating the idea that Ukraine might have to give up territory to Russia. The European position sounded firm: no concessions under pressure, no rewriting borders by force. Now that message is getting murkier. Follow our coverage of the war on the @Kyivpost_official . Friedrich Merz has suggested that a future peace deal might involve territorial compromises – and even hinted that Ukraine’s path into the EU could be used to make such a deal more acceptable to its own population. That’s not a minor shift. Only last December and March, Merz had made clear that any decision on territorial concessions rests solely with Ukraine, stressing that it is for the Ukrainian president and its people to decide, not the United States. Now his comment – expressed to the students in Marsberg, North Rhine-Westphalia – is about what Ukrainians might accept to end this war. What explains the shift? Germany’s economic outlook has just been revised downward, and energy is a big reason why. Two simultaneous shocks are hitting hard: oil prices are climbing due to instability linked to the Iran war, while Russia has disrupted flows from Kazakhstan through the Druzhba pipeline, tightening supply into Germany. Growth expectations have been cut sharply – down to around 0.5% this year, with next year also downgraded. Officials in Berlin are openly warning that the recovery is under threat, with rising energy costs feeding directly into inflation, industrial strain, and weakening confidence. Key infrastructure like the Schwedt refinery – crucial for fuel supply to Berlin – has been exposed to these disruptions. Other Topics of Interest Moscow’s May 9 Parade to Exclude Military Hardware for First Time Since 1945 Russia’s Defense Ministry cited the “current operational situation” as Moscow excludes tanks and other heavy equipment from its May 9 Victory Day parade. At the same time, Ukraine’s needs aren’t shrinking – they’re growing. More weapons, more funding, more long-term guarantees. The European Union has stepped up with a massive €90 billion ($106 billion) package to cover roughly two-thirds of Ukraine’s budget and military needs through 2026-27. That includes €45 billion in 2026 alone, with significant allocations for defense production, including Ukrainian-made drones. But here’s the catch: 2027 is still a major question mark. There’s a projected €64 billion gap, and filling it will depend on external partners like the G7 and IMF. In other words, the commitment is strong – but not yet sustainable. Put it together, and the pressure becomes visible: economic strain at home, long-term uncertainty abroad, and a war with no clear endpoint. Meanwhile, there’s another uncomfortable contradiction. Berlin points to global instability and US policy as drivers of its economic troubles – but Russia’s role in restricting flows of Kazakh oil via Druzhba pipeline into Germany is just as tangible. The blame, however, isn’t distributed evenly. That may be pragmatic: negotiating with Washington is still easier than dealing with Vladimir Putin. But it’s also politically convenient. The longer the war drags on, the more it tests not just Ukraine’s resilience, but Europe’s. And one of Moscow’s core strategies has always been exactly that: to wait until support starts to erode under economic and political pressure. Domestically, Merz is navigating a fragile landscape – slow growth, rising welfare costs, a widening budget gap, and increasing political fragmentation. Industry groups like DIHK are warning that the recovery is not just weak, but at risk. Energy shortages, supply chain stress, and global competition are tightening the screws on German industry. It’s not a recession – yet. But confidence is slipping. And in that kind of environment, political pressure doesn’t stay contained. It spills over, often benefiting more radical forces like the friendly to Russia Alternative für Deutschland, which are ready to capitalize on economic anxiety and geopolitical fatigue. So when Merz talks about “possible” territorial concessions, it’s not just about Ukraine. It reflects a broader recalibration under stress – economic, political, and strategic. The real question now is no longer whether Europe supports Ukraine. It’s how long can it sustain that support at the current level – and what is it willing to accept if it can’t. So what would be preferable to hear from the German chancellor than what he said – that the future peace agreement with Russia “might involve Ukraine giving up some territory”? A politician committed to a certain vision does not publicly entertain “possibilities.” A European politician committed to the vision and the goal of defending Ukraine and restoring order in Europe would say: There cannot be any redrawing of state borders in Europe by force. We Europeans will not allow it. However, we are willing to stretch the border of the European Union, as we cannot wait for Ukraine to fulfil the acquis and join the EU. And that is not what Merz said. Even though he may not have sinister intentions… he most obviously is in a bad mood. The views expressed in this opinion article are the author’s and not necessarily those of Kyiv Post. Anna Magdalena Wielopolska, former Polish journalist of “Rzeczpospolita,” Ph.D. in international relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science. She is currently leading a counteroffensive against Russian propaganda in social media