Kyiv Post
Civilian Solutions for Army? Latvian Army Commander on What NATO Can Learn From Ukraine
Gen. Kaspars Pudāns, commander of the Latvian Armed Forces, touched on the threats from Belarus, Russian influence in the Baltics, and lessons from Ukraine in his exclusive interview with Kyiv Post.
Gen. Kaspars Pudāns, commander of the Latvian Armed Forces, touched on the threats from Belarus, Russian influence in the Baltics, and lessons from Ukraine in his exclusive interview with Kyiv Post.
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Gen. Kaspars Pudans, commander of the Latvian Armed Forces, on the sidelines of the Kyiv Security Forum in April 2026. (Photo by Julia Struck-Feshchenko / Kyiv Post)
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How do the Baltic states see the war in Ukraine?
Key representatives of NATO countries, politicians and experts have gathered at the Kyiv Security Forum between April 23 and April 24 – with the commander of the Latvian Armed Forces, Gen. Kaspars Pudāns, among them.
Follow our coverage of the war on the @Kyivpost_official .
The main topic at the forum is how to continue supporting Ukraine while also drawing lessons from its wartime experience for Europe. Russia’s hybrid pressure on Central and Eastern European countries continues, and Estonia has reported concerns over attempts to back separatist movements .
Baltic officials have openly warned that their region could face greater security risks if Ukraine were defeated. The Baltic states have been among Ukraine’s strongest supporters, shaped in part by their own experience of Soviet occupation and current concerns over Russian destabilization efforts.
Gen. Pudāns, who has closely followed the war in Ukraine, told Kyiv Post that Western countries should not only support Kyiv but also study the lessons Ukraine’s experience offers Europe in this exclusive interview.
Kyiv Post: What are your main messages that you’re delivering from Latvia?
Gen. Kaspars Pudans: First, of course, being here is the main message that we, as Latvia – as the armed forces, the government, and the people of Latvia – will remain friends and supporters of Ukraine. And it is undeniable why we are doing this, because our history and our experience with threats on our border are similar. And of course, we know what the terrors of war and Russian occupation can bring.
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Supporting Ukraine also means strengthening our own defense, bringing us closer to protecting our people and our states.
Second, being here also means that we are not only looking to support, but we also want to learn from Ukraine, because it is important for us to remain very strong on Ukraine’s flank, not giving Russia the chance to assume that it is fighting only on one front line. So, by being strong on Russia’s borders, we ensure that it has to pay attention to what is happening there, while we continue learning, supporting, and strengthening our ties. And I see this very much ongoing among our units and military leaders at the subordinate level.
So at the lower level, I think our coordination is very strong and unique. These are the main messages, but the last message is that it is not only about us – it is also our encouragement to the rest of the Western world. And I can assure you that at the military level, among NATO and EU chiefs of defense, there is one unified voice: Supporting Ukraine also means strengthening our own defense, bringing us closer to protecting our people and our states.
[As] one of the three Baltic states, to what extent have you increased coordination and cooperation amongst yourselves, not only in terms of your own defense capacity, but in terms of you as promoters of the dangers facing Europe and the need for Europe to act together, shall we say, more expeditiously?
All three Baltic states have been together since we regained our independence. Even in regaining our independence, it took all three of us demonstrating to the world that we are nations that stand for freedom and want to regain it. And since then, we have always been close.
We paid attention to the lessons of 1940, when the three of us were perhaps very proud, but not united. We did not have the same appreciation of threats, and we did not have collective defense plans. That was a time when we failed to act together. It was a tragic decision made at that time.
So, since regaining independence more than 30 years ago, we have always been very close in coordinating military cooperation and activities. And I should say that now our defense plans are coordinated. Maybe they are not fully synchronized, because there are still differences in geography and national requirements and capabilities.
But in terms of defense, I think it is very clear how we will defend and fight together as three nations, demonstrating how it should also be done within NATO. I should admit that in recent years, NATO has followed this path as well, and its plans are much more developed against the concrete threat that Russia poses – not only with tanks, but also through the internet, cyber offensives, espionage, sabotage, and other gray-zone activities.
Tell us a little bit about the threats that Latvia potentially faces, because you’ve got not only Russia, but its vassal neighbor, Belarus, on your border.
Yes, we are already facing threats driven by Russia, with Belarus further supporting irregular migration. As you rightly mentioned, this continues regardless of how Belarus presents it politically. They continue pushing irregular migrants across the border, which we have to deal with. Of course, this draws resources from us – from our border guards and our armed forces – pulling them away from training for warfighting tasks.
That is why it is important that allies are with us, acting as a shield and protector while we deal with hybrid activities, and sending a clear message to Russia that it will not distract us from preparing for potential military actions where NATO can respond if planes, ships, or tanks cross a border.
But it is also supported by a common understanding that this is a threat. What is happening at the borders is not a humanitarian operation; it is the weaponization of migration. Other activities near our borders, including in the Baltic Sea, are also concerning – whether they are provocations or demonstrations of unprofessional behavior. This is something we were already facing even before the war started.
Here right now, the preliminary or rather the penultimate question. Estonia obviously feels the threat, particularly in the Narva area. In Latvia, to what extent are the Russians trying to exploit Russian speakers or ethnic Russians in your country?
It is, of course, one source of instability that could be used by Russia. They have invested a lot in creating networks, leaders, financing influence, and spreading information. However, I should admit that [Russian leader Vladimir] Putin made a mistake in 2022, because he divided this group of Russian-speaking people, which also includes people of Ukrainian, Georgian, Belarusian, and other origins who do not support ideas coming from the Kremlin. This was reflected in the 2022 elections, when pro-Russian parties lost significant support and did not enter our parliament.
Still, Russia continues to look at these groups as potential sources, but their influence has diminished. It is not the same level of support they might expect, as seen in eastern Ukraine.
Yes, such groups exist in some cities, but we have worked through these scenarios since the occupation of Crimea, developing assessments and procedures with police, border guards, security services, and allies. We understand how to recognize such situations and not fall into traps where these actions are presented as legitimate civil movements. We will respond decisively and defend every centimeter of our territory, wherever necessary.
Thank you, General. One final question. Obviously, Latvia was fortunate to be accepted into NATO along with its Baltic partners. Have you been surprised over the years that Ukraine has managed to hold its own and to strengthen its defense capacity in cooperation with its supporters – your countries and other European nations? Has it surprised you that Ukraine has managed to cope with this situation with the help of its allies?
I would say it was not surprising from the first day of the war. I still remember the evening of Feb. 24, when we received the first intelligence reports about Russian tanks being destroyed. That confirmed my belief that Ukrainians would not fail.
What has been surprising is the ability of Ukrainian soldiers and leaders at all levels to innovate and to develop new approaches so quickly. I should admit that this was partly driven by a lack of support from the West in certain weapon systems, which forced Ukraine to adapt by using civilian technologies and business practices. This represents a different kind of innovation – bringing civilian solutions into the military sphere.
What is surprising is how quickly these ideas were implemented in practice and delivered results. It was not theoretical; it was practical and effective. And now, I see very confident leaders, officers, and specialists demonstrating what they have achieved. This is something we will definitely learn from – particularly the role of industry and its ability to deliver new solutions.
Bohdan Nahaylo, Chief Editor of Kyiv Post since December 2021, is a British-Ukrainian journalist, author and veteran Ukraine watcher based between Kyiv and Barcelona. He was formerly head of Amnesty International's Soviet Union unit, a senior United Nations official and policy adviser, and Director of Radio Liberty’s Ukrainian Service.